Rising Sun

"I don't want him old. Especially when he's tired, he sometimes looks old."



"Don't worry," the assistant said.



"All right now,' Lynn said. 'That's enough for now. Senator? Shall we try a run-through?"



Senator Morton said, "Where does this begin?"



"Line?"



A script girl said, " 'Perhaps like me...' "



Morton said, "Then we've already done the first part?"



Edgar Lynn said, "That's right, love. We start here with your turn to the camera, and you give us a very strong, very direct masculine look, and begin 'Perhaps like me.' Right?"



"Okay," Morton said.



"Remember. Think masculine. Think strong. Think in control."



Morton said, "Can we shoot it?"



Woodson said, "Lynn's going to piss him off."



Edgar Lynn said, "All right. Shoot the rehearsal. Here we go."



Senator Morton walked toward the camera. "Perhaps like me," he said, "you're concerned about the erosion of our national position in recent years. America is still the greatest military power, but our security depends on our ability to defend ourselves militarily and economically. And it is economically that America has fallen behind. How far behind? Well, under the last two administrations, America has gone from the greatest creditor nation to the greatest debtor nation the world has ever seen. Our industries have fallen behind the rest of the world. Our workers are less educated than workers in other countries. Our investors demand short-term gain and cripple our industries' ability to plan for the future. And as a result, our standard of living is declining rapidly. The outlook for our children is bleak."



Connor murmured, "Somebody is actually saying it."



"And in this time of national crisis," Morton continued, "many Americans have another concern, as well. As our economic power fades, we are vulnerable to a new kind of invasion. Many Americans fear that we may become an economic colony of Japan, or Europe. But especially Japan. Many Americans feel that the Japanese are taking over our industries, our recreation lands, and even our cities." He gestured to the golf course with skyscrapers in the background.



"And in doing so, some fear that Japan now has the power to shape and determine the future of America."



Morton paused, beneath the tree. He gave the appearance of thinking.



"How justified are these fears for the American future? How much should we be concerned? There are some who will tell you foreign investment is a blessing, that it helps our nation. Others take the opposite view, and feel we are selling our precious birthright. Which view is correct? Which should - which is - which - oh, fuck! What's the line again?"



"Cut, cut," Edgar Lynn called. "Take five, everybody. I need to clean up a few things, and then we can do it for real. Very good, Senator. I liked it."



The script girl said, " 'Which should we believe for the future of America,' Senator."



He repeated, "Which should we believe for the future of..." He shook his head. "No wonder I can't remember it. Let's change that line. Margie? Let's change that line, please. Never mind, bring me a script, I'll change it myself."



And the crowd of makeup and wardrobe people descended on him again, touching him up and fluffing him down.



Woodson said, "Wait here, I'll try and get you a few minutes with him."



We stood beside a humming trailer, with power cables coming out of it. As soon as Morton approached us, two aides came running up, brandishing thick books of computer printout. "John, you better look at this."



"John, you better consider this."



Morton said, "What is it?"



"John, this is the latest Gallup and Fielding."



"John, this is the cross-referenced analysis by voter age-brackets."



"And?"



"Bottom line, John, the president is right."



"Don't tell me that. I'm running against the president."



"But John, he's right about the C-word. You can't say the C-word in your television ad."



"I can't say 'conservation' ?"



"You can't say it, John."



"It's death, John."



"The figures show it."



"You want us to run over the figures, John?"



"No," Morton said. He glanced at Connor and me. "I'll be right with you," he said, with a smile.



"But look here, John."



"It's very clear, John. Conservation means diminution of life-style. People are already experiencing diminution of life-style. They don't want any more of it."



"But that's wrong," Morton said. "That's not how it works."



"John, it's what the voters think."



"But they're wrong about this."



"John, you want to educate the voters, well and good."



"Yes, I do want to educate the voters. Conservation is not synonymous with diminution of life-style. It is synonymous with more wealth, power, and freedom. The idea is not to make do with less. The idea is to do all the things you are doing now - heat your house, drive your car - using less gas and oil. Let's have more efficient heaters in our houses, more efficient cars on our streets. Let's have cleaner air, better health. It can be done. Other countries have done it. Japan has done it."



"John, please."



"Not Japan."



"In the last twenty years," Morton said. "Japan cut the energy cost of finished goods by sixty percent. America has done nothing. Japan can now make goods cheaper than we can, because Japan has pushed investment in energy-efficient technology. Conservation is competitive. And we aren't being competitive - "



"Fine, John. Conservation and statistics. Really boring."



"Nobody cares, John."



"The American people care," Morton said.



"John: they absolutely don't."



"And they aren't going to listen. Look, John. We have age-regressions here, particularly among the over fifty-fives, which is the most solid voting block, and they are straight ahead on this issue. They want no decreases. No conservation. The old people of America don't want it."



"But older people have children, and grandchildren. They must care about the future."



"Older people don't give a flying fuck, John. It's right here in black and white. They think their kids don't care about them, and they're right. So they don't care about their kids. It's that simple."



"But certainly the children - "



"Children don't vote, John."



"Please, John. Listen to us."



"No conservation, John. Competitiveness, yes. Look to the future, yes. Face our problems, yes. A new spirit, yes. But no conservation. Just look at the numbers. Don't do it."



"Please."



Morton said, "I'll think about it, fellas."



The two aides seemed to realize that that was all they were going to get. They closed their printouts with a snap.



"You want us to send Margie over to rewrite?"



"No. I'm thinking about it."



"Maybe Margie should just rough out a few lines."



"No."



"Okay, John. Okay."



"You know," Morton said, as they were leaving, "some day an American politician is going to do what he thinks is right, instead of what the polls tell him. And it's going to look revolutionary."



The two aides turned back together. "John, come on. You're tired."



"It's been a long trip. We understand."



"John. Trust us on this, we have the figures. We are telling you with ninety-five percent confidence intervals how the people feel."



"I know damn well how they feel. They feel frustrated. And I know why. It's been fifteen years since they've had any leadership."



"John. Let's not do this one again. This is the twentieth century. Leadership is the quality of telling people what they want to hear."



They walked away.



Immediately, Woodson came up, carrying a portable phone. He started to speak, but Morton held up his hand. "Not now, Bob."



"Senator, I think you need to take this - "



"Not now."



Woodson backed away. Morton glanced at his watch. "You're Mr. Connor and Mr. Smith?"



"Yes," Connor said.



"Let's walk," Morton said. He started away from the film crew, toward a hill overlooking the rolling course. It was Friday. Not many people were playing. We stood about fifty meters from the crew.



"I asked you to come," Morton said, "because I understand you're the officers in charge of the Nakamoto business."



I was about to protest that it wasn't true, that Graham was the officer in charge, when Connor said, "That's true, we are."



"I have some questions about that case. I gather it's been resolved now?"



"It seems to be."



"Is your investigation finished?"



"For all practical purposes, yes," Connor said. "The investigation is concluded."



Morton nodded. "I'm told you officers are particularly knowledgeable about the Japanese community, is that right? One of you has even lived in Japan?"



Connor gave a slight bow,



"You were the one playing golf with Hanada and Asaka today?" Morton said.



"You're well informed."



"I spoke with Mr. Hanada this morning. We have had contact in the past, on other matters." Morton turned abruptly and said, "My question is this. Is the Nakamoto business related to MicroCon?"



"How do you mean?" Connor said.



"The sale of MicroCon to the Japanese has come before the Senate Finance Committee, which I chair. We've been asked for a recommendation by staff from the Committee on Science and Technology, which must actually authorize the sale. As you know, the sale is controversial. In the past I have gone on record as opposing the sale. For a variety of reasons. You're familiar with all this?"



"Yes," Connor said.



"I still have problems about it," Morton said. "MicroCon's advanced technology was developed in part with American taxpayer money. I'm outraged that our taxpayers should pay for research that is being sold to the Japanese - who will then use it to compete against our own companies. I feel strongly we should be protecting American capacity in high-tech areas. I feel we should be protecting our intellectual resources. I feel we should be limiting foreign investment in our corporations and our universities. But I seem to be alone in this. I can't find support in the Senate or in industry. Commerce won't help me. The trade rep's worried it'll upset the rice negotiations. Rice. Even the Pentagon is against me on this. And I just wondered, since Nakamoto is the parent company of Akai Ceramics, whether the events of last night had any relationship to the proposed sale."



He paused. He was looking at us in an intense way. It was almost as if he expected that we would know something.



Connor said, "I'm not aware of any linkage."



"Has Nakamoto done anything unfair or improper to promote the sale?"



"Not that I am aware, no."



"And your investigation is formally concluded?"



"Yes."



"I just want to be clear. Because if I back down on my opposition to this sale, I don't want to find that I've stuck my hand in a box of snakes. One could argue that the party at Nakamoto was an attempt to win over opponents to the sale. So a change of position can be worrisome. You know in Congress they can get you coming and going, with a thing like this."



Connor said, "Are you abandoning your opposition to the sale?"



From across the lawn, an aide said, "Senator? They're ready for you, sir."



"Well." Morton shrugged. "I'm out on a limb with this thing. Nobody agrees with my position on MicroCon. Personally, I think it's another Fairchild case. But if this battle can't be won, I say, let's not fight it. Plenty of other battles to be fought, anyway." He straightened, smoothed his suit.



"Senator? When you're ready, sir." And he added, "They're concerned about the light."



"They're concerned about the light," Morton said, shaking his head.



"Don't let us keep you," Connor said.



"Anyway," Morton said. "I wanted your input. I understand you to say that last night had nothing to do with MicroCon. The people involved had nothing to do with it. I'm not going to read next month that someone was working behind the scenes, trying to promote or block the sale. Nothing like that."



"Not as far as I know," Connor said.



"Gentlemen, thank you for coming," he said. He shook both of our hands, and started away. Then he came back. "I appreciate your treating this matter as confidential. Because, you know, we have to be careful. We are at war with Japan." He smiled wryly. "Loose lips sink ships."



"Yes," Connor said. "And remember Pearl Harbor."



"Christ, that too." He shook his head. He dropped his voice, becoming one of the boys. "You know, I have colleagues who say sooner or later we're going to have to drop another bomb. They think it'll come to that." He smiled. "But I don t feel that way. Usually."



Still smiling, he headed back to the camera crew. As he walked, he collected people, first a woman with script changes, then a wardrobe man, then a sound man fiddling with his microphone and adjusting the battery pack at his waist, and the makeup woman, until finally the senator had disappeared from view, and there was just a cluster of people moving awkwardly across the lawn.



Chapter 14



I said, "I like him."



I was driving back into Hollywood. The buildings were hazy in the smog.



"Why shouldn't you like him?" Connor said. "He's a politician. It's his job to make you like him."



"Then he's good at his job."



"Very good, I think."



Connor stared out the window silently. I had the sense that something was troubling him.



I said, "Didn't you like what he was saying in the commercial? It sounded like all the things you say."