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Sleeping Giants by Sylvain Neuvel (36)

FILE NO. 257

INTERVIEW WITH INES TABIB, ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS

Location: White House, Washington, DC

—Do you have anything to say before I have you arrested and tried for treason?

—I fail to see the point, but I am happy to let you posture for a short while. How are Ms. Resnik and Mr. Couture doing?

—Your pilots are still in Puerto Rico being debriefed. They’re fine. You can all stand trial as a happy family.

—You and I both know I will not stand trial. Justice is usually much swifter for someone in my trade. It comes unannounced, usually from behind, and, as far as I know, it is never prefaced by a meeting at the White House. What happened? Did the president stop you herself, or did someone else intervene when you tried to have me arrested? You are relatively new to this line of work so I would presume that having me killed would not be your first choice.

—She said she would handle it personally. How did you know?

—I did not. It seemed like a logical explanation.

—You find this logical? You use US funds to finance this project, US helicopters, drones, American troops to locate and retrieve all the pieces of this machine from all over the world—illegally, I might add—killing several American citizens and foreign nationals in the process. You assemble it on US soil, use American scientists on the US government payroll to figure out how it works, in an American base, of course, a base that you later destroy, bringing this country to the brink of war.

At your suggestion, the president of the United States then agrees to drop this machine into the ocean, a measure you yourself described as temporary. Then you turn around and give it to Russia and the UAE. Does that about sum it up? What part of this does not constitute treason from your perspective?

—Which question should I answer first?

—Answer whichever you like.

—No.

—No, you don’t want to answer?

—No is the answer to your first question.

—Which was?

—“Does that about sum it up?” It does not.

—What did I miss?

—The first part of your statement, however redundant and melodramatic, was generally accurate. Aside from the individuals who were directly involved in this project, the United States is mostly responsible for its success. As for the latter, you forgot South Korea. Most importantly, I did not “give” anything to anyone. First, it was not mine to give. Second, it was not free, far from it.

—I’m not really interested in hearing anything you have to say.

—You did ask. Your plan, as we have established, was to have me arrested and tried for treason. We now both know that this particular plan will not come to fruition. I am offering you an alternative, one that will greatly benefit the United States. It also does not involve my having a sudden heart attack or a fatal reaction to a bee sting.

—Why, though? Why would the president not want to arrest you?

—You will have to ask her.

—She knew. Didn’t she? She knew all along. Did the former president know?

—I…

—Don’t answer that. I know you won’t tell me. So that’s it, isn’t it? That was the plan all along.

—You just told me not to answer.

—I don’t get it.

—That was not a joke.

—I don’t understand how any of this is good for us.

—Perhaps your feeling of impotence regarding my arrest is clouding your judgment. Let me repeat what I said earlier. I did not give anything to anyone. First, it was not mine to give. It was not yours either. The reason the former president agreed to drop it in the ocean is precisely because for the United States to insist on keeping the device for itself would have precipitated a global conflict. Do you agree?

—Does it matter? Let’s say that I do, for the sake of argument.

—Why would it precipitate a global conflict?

—Because Russia wouldn’t let us keep it.

—Correct. Russia would not have let the balance of power tip so far in your favor. They would not have been alone. It would have left the Middle East in even more turmoil. They know you would eventually use it there. Asia would have been upset as well.

—Your point?

—Having established that the device was not yours to keep, I presume I will not have to convince you that it did not belong to Russia either.

—I thought that was my point.

—Indeed. Moscow is well aware of that. Now that they have had their hand caught in the cookie jar, so to speak, do you believe they are in a position to play the moral card as they did in the past with the robot now in US custody?

—I’m pretty sure you want me to answer no here.

—How about the Middle East? Perhaps if, say, the Emirates had been involved…How about Europe? Asia? Would a German company being part of the consortium be helpful? Japan, Korea…Do you believe any of them, now faced with the likely prospect of losing everything, will try to prevent the United States from participating in this venture?

—OK, it’s clever; I get it. So we share it with Russia, now that they’ll let us…

—More or less. But you are missing the real beauty of this situation. As I said before, I did not give anything away. It was not free. The nations involved spent in the neighborhood of $200 billion to retrieve the device and construct the Puerto Rico base. Had the US attempted to do the same, it would have had to disburse that amount on its own. To do it clandestinely would have been impossible, as you could not appropriate $200 billion, for anything, without anyone’s noticing.

—OK, it’s clever and we saved a bunch of money. What do you want from me, a medal?

—A simple thank-you would suffice.

—I still don’t get it. If the president knew, and it sure looks that way, why not let me in on that clever plan of yours?

—I cannot tell you what the president knew or did not know, I do not handle these briefings. As I mentioned several times to your predecessor, there are a great many things that require an attention span greater than eight years. Consequently, there are also a great many things that never reach this office. As for the plan, you must realize that, if it existed at all, it would never have been that well-defined. The device was causing too much turmoil, in part owing to the manner in which the pieces were acquired. Hypothetically speaking, the former president might have agreed that other nations should share some of the burden, and some of the cost. I would then have assembled a group of interested parties and begun construction on the Puerto Rico facility.

—You mean you got them to build a base in Puerto Rico before we dropped the robot anywhere near it?

—I like to believe I have a reputation for keeping my word.

—Not sure I’d bet $200 billion on that.

—It would have been the only way for the project not to come to a halt for a year or two. We would have needed a head start on the construction while our team continued to work. If, hypothetically, I had promised to get the device to the bottom of the trench at the first occasion, the accident in Denver would have provided the perfect opportunity.

That being said, it baffles me that they would be so hasty to show it publicly, let alone that they would bring it back to Puerto Rico afterward.

—Hypothetically…

—No. That part is fact. I suppose I could take some of the credit for unwittingly recruiting morons. Without their sheer stupidity, it could have been years, decades, before you and I had this conversation.

—So how does that work? We come to an agreement with South Korea, Russia, the Emirates, and we get to parade it three months a year? You know we’ll never be able to use it against anyone with that list of partners.

—I suppose now is as good a time as any to break the bad news. You will not like what comes next.

—I’m not exactly ecstatic so far…

—You will not share it with 3 countries, you will share it with 192.

—You want to give it to the UN?

—No, you do.

—Why would I want that?

—It has to be this way, so I suggest you find a good reason. If you are at a loss, I can suggest a few, world peace being one of them. The point is that it has to come from you. The consortium must be absolutely convinced that you will never agree to release the device otherwise.

—Now we’ll really never be able to use it.

—You never could. This much should be clear by now. Neither you nor anyone else can ever use this device to attack another human being. That means you cannot blow up the Vatican, even if they are not part of the UN. But instead of sobbing about all the great wars that might have been, I suggest you pray to whatever god you worship and ask that we never have to use it at all, because if we do, it will likely mean the end of everything.

On the positive side, I am certain the UN will be willing to erase a good portion of your debt for this. You owe them quite a bit of money. And, yes, you will get to parade it every now and then, though perhaps not three months a year.

You once told me that this discovery would forever change the way we view ourselves, melt away some of our differences. I sincerely hope you meant what you said, because today, you and the president get to do something good for all mankind, not something some CIA analyst said might help stabilize the Middle East or lower oil prices. You get to do something undeniably good, for everyone. Tell me: How often does that happen?

—What if I said no?

—I have the utmost respect for freedom of choice. In fact, most of what I do is aimed at preserving it. This, however, is not one of those moments. Feel free to take a few days before you say yes. I would also like Ms. Resnik and Mr. Couture released immediately.

—The president said nothing about your pilots. They’ll have to stand trial.

—Trials seem to be an obsession of yours. You can have the guards tried if you wish. I strongly urge you to prosecute Ms. Papantoniou if you find her.

—You mean the psychopath you chose to run your program, the one who took everyone hostage to run some insane experiments.

—Yes. That one. I would be very grateful if you were able to apprehend her promptly. The pilots, however, have to go.

—I may not have the power to arrest you, but I don’t have to do everything you say.

—You certainly do not. You should speak to the president and make your decision without considering me at all. You know that she will want to spin what comes next to her advantage. The United States giving the alien device to the world, creating the first planetary armed force. A gift of hope, from the president of the United States to humanity. I would imagine a parade, fireworks, and a very long and inspiring speech. That speech will be much easier to write if the pilots are not on death row for treason. The parade will also look better if you do not have to tow the robot.

—…

—Will that be all? I have a plane to catch.

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